COMPLETE STATIC READING EDITION

The ones who said no

Pressler, Murtha, Hughes and the honest men hurt by the leaks.

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Pressler: the Republican who walked out

He was approved for a bribe meeting within an hour and was injured anyway.

Larry Pressler, a South Dakota Republican, came to the house in Washington on 7 November 1979 believing he was meeting potential campaign donors. The name had come from middleman Joseph Silvestri in an unrecorded phone call, and the FBI approved the meeting within about an hour. When the talk turned to money for immigration help, Pressler said, in substance, that what they were suggesting might be illegal, and left. [1][3]

The FBI later told the committee he was the first Republican legislator to come forward, and that turning him away could have made the operation look political. The committee found there was no reason to suspect him at all. It called him clearly innocent and found that the 1980 leaks, which put his name in the news alongside the defendants, injured him. [1]

The trial judge praised him by name. [2] The committee recommended that innocent people hurt by undercover operations get written notice clearing them. [1]

What we can’t tell you. Pressler’s exact words are summarized; the committee quotes the recorded meeting in part.

The sources

  1. Senate Report 97-682, The Pressler meeting and harm to innocent persons ↗

    Primary. Approval within an hour on November 7, 1979; the committee calls Pressler clearly innocent and injured by leaks.

  2. United States v. Myers, 527 F. Supp. 1206 (E.D.N.Y. 1981) — published district-court opinion ↗

    Contemporaneous trial-court opinion on constitutional challenges, published on Justia. Its description of refusals is not a finding that every aspect of every meeting was beyond ethical criticism.

  3. Senate Report 97-682, Part on selection of subjects and the “Republicans” requests (printed pp. 60–80) ↗

    Primary. Records the September 18 and October 9, 1979 recorded requests for Republican and non-Atlantic targets and the committee’s conclusion that no predicate existed for them.

Murtha: refused, or just not yet?

On tape he said no to the money and yes to future business. Both sides have quoted him ever since.

John Murtha of Pennsylvania met the operatives on 7 January 1980, brought by Criden through Thompson. On the tape played to the jury he turned down the $50,000: “I’m not interested… at this point.” In the same conversation he talked about the sheikh investing in his district and suggested they could do business in the future. [1]

The government named him an unindicted co-conspirator and then called him as its own witness. At the Thompson–Murphy trial he testified that Thompson had told him the three congressmen would split the money, and that he had wanted no part of it. The Second Circuit later described the offer as one he declined. [2][3]

In July 1981 the House ethics committee voted not to charge him. Its special counsel, E. Barrett Prettyman Jr., resigned within hours and would later say only that it was “a logical conclusion” that the vote was the reason. Don Bailey, a fellow Pennsylvania Democrat who had argued Murtha’s side to the committee, wrote in 2002 that he had come to believe Murtha cooperated to avoid prosecution, not out of civic duty. [4]

Murtha’s defenders note he refused, cooperated and was never charged by the Justice Department. His critics note he left the door open on tape and was cleared by colleagues. Both are accurate. When he ran for majority leader in 2006, CNN replayed the tape. [5]

What we can’t tell you. The CNSNews account was written during a 2006 leadership race and is used only for attributed quotations.

The sources

  1. UPI Archives: Videotape shown in the Abscam trial (November 13, 1980) ↗

    Wire report of the Murtha tape as played to the jury.

  2. New York Times: Murtha Testifies on Money Offer From Thompson (November 21, 1980) ↗

    Contemporary trial report: Murtha, an unindicted co-conspirator, testified for the government.

  3. United States v. Murphy, 715 F.2d 39 (2d Cir. 1983) — new-trial appeal ↗

    Published appellate opinion preserves the distinction between Murphy’s affirmed gratuity/conspiracy convictions and his acquittal on the bribery charge; cited here only for its discussion of Murtha declining the offer.

  4. CNSNews, 2006: Murtha’s Abscam past (ethics vote, Prettyman resignation, Bailey letter) ↗

    Right-leaning outlet writing during a 2006 leadership race; used only for attributed quotations (Prettyman, Bailey) and the July 1981 committee vote, which other accounts confirm.

  5. CNN transcript — ABSCAM footage and John Murtha discussion (November 15, 2006) ↗

    Later broadcast revisiting footage. Editorial excerpts are not a complete original recording or a complete court record.

The others: Hughes, Patten and the names that never came

Of 24 officials approved, four never showed up.

Representative William Hughes, a New Jersey Democrat, was the one official approved for a bribe meeting whom no middleman had first claimed was corrupt. He never attended. [1]

Representative Edward Patten, also a New Jersey Democrat, was cited by the trial judge as one who refused. [2]

Four of the 24 officials approved for meetings never came. Some names the middlemen offered belonged to people who knew nothing about it. The committee warned that their names sat in FBI files anyway, and once the leaks began, some were reported.

What we can’t tell you. The committee did not publish every name, to protect people it considered innocent.

The sources

  1. Senate Report 97-682, Part on selection of subjects and the “Republicans” requests (printed pp. 60–80) ↗

    Primary. Records the September 18 and October 9, 1979 recorded requests for Republican and non-Atlantic targets and the committee’s conclusion that no predicate existed for them.

  2. United States v. Myers, 527 F. Supp. 1206 (E.D.N.Y. 1981) — published district-court opinion ↗

    Contemporaneous trial-court opinion on constitutional challenges, published on Justia. Its description of refusals is not a finding that every aspect of every meeting was beyond ethical criticism.

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