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Was ABSCAM a political hit?

Leaks, an election year and an FBI rebuilding its reputation.

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The strongest version: an agency proving itself

Why critics saw institutional motive, not just law enforcement.

In the mid-1970s the FBI had been battered: the Church Committee had exposed its domestic spying, and Watergate had shown what political use of law enforcement looked like. Under Directors Clarence Kelley and then William Webster, appointed in 1978, the Bureau shifted toward white-collar crime and public corruption, and undercover work was the tool. The Senate committee counted 53 FBI undercover operations in 1977 and 463 in 1981. [1]

Critics say ABSCAM was the showcase. It went after Congress, the institution that had just investigated the FBI, with a script written to reach Congress, and its results were leaked before indictment, convicting members in the press first. [1][2]

Then the timing: the leaks came in February 1980, an election year, and three of the convicted members lost that November.

What we can’t tell you. Motive is inferred by critics; the committee looked for evidence of it.

The sources

  1. Senate Report 97-682, Summary of findings and conclusions (printed pp. 11–25) ↗

    Primary committee report, December 15, 1982. Bipartisan select committee (4 R, 4 D). Findings on informant control, authorization, recording failures, leaks and harm to innocent people.

  2. Perspectives, Winter–Spring 1983 — James Abourezk essay and Oliver Revell FBI rebuttal, printed pp. 27–31 ↗

    A magazine published by the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights carrying attributed viewpoints: Abourezk’s Speaking Out essay and the FBI response. These are not described as adjudicated facts or a formal Commission finding of racism.

What the committee found about motive and leaks

Damaging leaks, no partisan motive found, and a refusal to call the leaks an accident.

The leaks were bad. Names, including those of people never charged, reached the press in early February 1980. The committee found they injured innocent people, Pressler among them, and that they did not come from any single deficiency that could easily be fixed. [1][2]

But it also found “no evidence that these leaks were politically motivated.” It found that no one attending a bribe meeting had been targeted before a middleman raised the name, and that no lead had been dropped for an improper purpose. [1]

The partisan direction argues against a hit, too: a Democratic administration’s Justice Department ran it against mostly Democratic targets, and its agents asked for Republicans. [3]

The fairest reading is that ABSCAM was not a political hit in the partisan sense, but it was an institution under pressure to produce, run with too little supervision, and its leaks did damage that no verdict could undo.

What we can’t tell you. The source of the leaks was never publicly established.

The sources

  1. Senate Report 97-682, Summary of findings and conclusions (printed pp. 11–25) ↗

    Primary committee report, December 15, 1982. Bipartisan select committee (4 R, 4 D). Findings on informant control, authorization, recording failures, leaks and harm to innocent people.

  2. Senate Report 97-682, The Pressler meeting and harm to innocent persons ↗

    Primary. Approval within an hour on November 7, 1979; the committee calls Pressler clearly innocent and injured by leaks.

  3. Senate Report 97-682, Part on selection of subjects and the “Republicans” requests (printed pp. 60–80) ↗

    Primary. Records the September 18 and October 9, 1979 recorded requests for Republican and non-Atlantic targets and the committee’s conclusion that no predicate existed for them.

WHAT PEOPLE SAY ABOUT THIS FILE

The claims, rated.

4 claims people make about this file, each rated documented, partly true, disputed, unproven or false. Think a rating is wrong? Use Dispute or Support, or join the Discussion.

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